Indeed, "perfecting Europe's energy map, on which Cold War divisions are still etched as if on a phantom wall, remains a challenge," while the "lack of institutions and places to hold these important debates remains a concern".
Exploring "what the map of connections and pipelines teaches us," Nies argues that the hydrocarbon transport network is a "strong factor in European integration" and "constitutes a powerful factor of integration with extra-Community regions, with [both] producers (Norway, Russia, Algeria) and transit countries".
With this in mind, priority should be given to supporting "increased energy efficiency in producer countries and normative and environmental actions on protecting the Bosphorus through a common effort to find alternative routes to the straits," Nies argues. She also believes that the number of interconnectors between old and new EU member states should be increased.
In fact, Europe and Russia "have been successfully developing an interdependent relationship since the 1970s, based on security of supply and the guarantee of consumption," Nies observes, emphasising that this has led to a situation whereby "Russia is just as dependent on being the number one gas exporter and on the reliability of its partner as the EU is as a consumer".
Without making snap judgements on a delicate situation, "it is necessary to distinguish between Russia's own interest and that of Gazprom," the author maintains. Doing this, she says, will avoid suspicious attitudes that only lead to "demonisation" of Russia.
Instead, Nies concludes that the relationship between Europe and Russia should be "framed by both a renegotiated strategic partnership and enhanced by a new focus on energy in 2008-9".
She believes that the primary concerns for both continents should be "Europe's increasing [energy] demand" as well as the "development of infrastructure, fields, and energy efficiency" and strengthening relationships with transit countries.
