Wissenschaftler: Spannung zwischen Säkularisten und Islamanhängern zu beobachten[en] 

Kevin Featherstone is a professor of Contemporary Greek Studies and a former head of the European Institute at the London School of Economics.

To read a shortened version of the interview, please click here. 

How do you judge the Turkish court's decision not to shut down the AKP party? If it had done so, what would have been the effect on Turkey-EU relations? 

It is clear that Turkey's international friends breathed a huge sigh of relief. The tectonic plates of secularism and a modernised, moderate Islam keep moving and need to be watched. A one-vote rescue is dramatic. It is interesting to see that some of the liberal-inclined foreign press is struggling to point out what is actually 'liberal' in this clash of cultures. 

However, if the vote had gone the other way, Turkey would have had to wave goodbye to its EU aspirations. The recent appointment of General Basbug to head Turkey's military is difficult to interpret - he has been portrayed as a staunch secularist - but should be used as an opportunity to cool things down domestically. 

How do you judge recent developments in Cyprus and the beginning of new talks on 3 September? Do you see a solution and, if yes, how would this affect Turkey's EU membership talks? 

President Christofias' election is the best news to come from Cyprus since 2004. There is a new window of opportunity and it must be seized. After 2004, the picture looked very gloomy with little prospect of a solution. I think both Athens and Ankara now are ready for a solution. The question is whether Christofias can deliver the Greek Cypriot vote - he will need help. Ankara needs to appreciate his predicament. There are gains for all parties, including Turkey. 

What are the main reasons for public opposition to Turkey's EU membership in EU countries like Austria, France and Germany? Taking into account that national referenda may determine the country's membership in the end, what should Turkey do to positively influence negative public opinion? 

If I knew the answer, I am not sure whether I would provide it without a big consultation fee! Difficult problems require a package of solutions across various dimensions and with different timeframes. One is to improve the image of the domestic system – improving human rights, separating the military from political issues, etc. 

There is still much to be done on this front before European critics turn silent. The plight of those being punished for insulting Turkishness or the Orthodox Patriarch in Phinar reflects an anti-European mentality. Another one is being bold on foreign policy issues such as Cyprus. 

Finally, I claim that Turkey has focused too much on American culture while it needs to focus more on the European one if it wants to shift public perceptions. This requires launching a programme of cultural and educational initiatives across Europe. 

Turkey also needs to become more relaxed about its own Classical 'Greek' past - yes, I use the term 'Greek', despite its absence from so many history books. If a Frenchman defends a vision of Europe based on a classical Greek (and Roman) past, why should Turkey not also be confident saying we are part of that heritage too? If Europe is Christian, why not point out that the spiritual head of the second largest Christian Church in the world resides in Istanbul? Turkey has arguments to provide that are underplayed. 

The classical Greek past does not divide across the Aegean: Alexander the Great crossed continents, for example. Western Europe will learn to accept Turkey when Turkey itself becomes more comfortable and relaxed about its past. 

Looking at projects such as the 'Mediterranean Union' or the increasing role of Russia in terms of economics, natural resources and defence, how do you see the future of European integration and Europe as a global power? 

The notion of a 'Mediterranean Union' has been tarnished by its mercurial and unpredictable founder, French President Nicolas Sarkozy. The project has good intentions, but it risks clashing with established EU interests. The EU has a history of being very cautious and protective towards its borders and not accepting a 'level playing field'. I think German Chancellor Angela Merkel will be more influential here than Sarkozy when it comes to substance. 

The EU also struggles to develop a coherent policy towards Russia. It has divided interests regarding a future energy policy in the region. Russia itself remains an enigmatic and uncomfortable partner. 

Both cases illustrate the tremendous difficulty of the EU to act as a global power. Like Germany in the recent past, the EU remains an economic giant but a political dwarf. Its best strategy is one of deploying its 'soft power', which should not be underestimated. But on 'hard power' issues, the EU will continue to struggle to find unity.