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Germany's 'Super Sonntag' - continuity or change?

Published 16 September 2005 - Updated 01 June 2007
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Germany
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With up to a third of the electorate still undecided, voters in Europe's largest and richest nation go to the polls on 18 September. The prospect of a 'grand coalition' is looming large.

The top issues are jobs and taxes in Germany's 18 September elections, where the country's 62 million eligible voters will elect members of parliament and the controlling party then selects the chancellor. Turnout is projected at around 80%.

Overall, the pre-election public opinion polls have shown that Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's Social Democrats tend to be trusted by the public to have a better grasp on foreign policy issues and are generally perceived to be more committed to social justice. At its core, the SPD's message is that the key reforms are in place and have more or less been implemented, and now is the time for the country to realise the benefits under another Social Democrat-led government.

At the same time, the conservatives, led by CDU leader Angela Merkel, are generally believed by the electorate to offer a more solid programme aimed at turning Germany's economy around. They advocate faster progress on the labour market, welfare and tax changes. The conservatives promise more radical reforms as a way out of the "failed" efforts of the Schröder cabinet.

In the polls, Merkel's conservatives continue to lead Schröder's Social Democrats, but the margin has shrunk in recent days. During the past week alone, Schröder has closed Merkel's lead from 17% to 6%. It therefore appears increasingly likely that the CDU will not be able to form a centre-right coalition with the liberal Free Democrats (FDP) but will instead be forced to conclude a "grand coalition" with the SPD. In this scenario Merkel would still become the country's first female chancellor. However, as the New York Times commented, "given the aura of political invincibility that has enveloped Mrs Merkel since a weakened Mr Schröder called for elections in May, that would be seen almost as a defeat".

Germany had its last 'grand coalition' in the 1960s. Led by Christian Democrat Chancellor Kurt-Georg Kiesinger, it governed the country between 1966 and 1969. It was a 'coalition of the willing' in that the participants were all ready to work together.

As for Schröder, he has explicitly ruled out participating in a 'grand coalition' government that would most likely be led by Merkel (who, in turn, has also been dismissive of the 'grand coalition' scenario).

Alongside the CDU-SPD coalition scenario, the other possible groupings include the so-called 'traffic light' (Red-Yellow-Green) coalition of the SPD, the FDP and the Greens, or a Red-Red-Green coalition that would involve the SPD, the new Left Party and the Greens. All interested parties have rejected all these scenarios. A Red-Green coalition with backing from the Left Party is another scenario that has not been explicitely ruled out.

However, the election results are likely to leave no choice but a 'grand coalition' , despite the fact that such a marriage of convenience may not be in Germany's best interests, as big clashes on key issues would predictably hamper decision-making. A hung parliament is looking increasingly likely, which in turn might lead to new elections as early as next year.

A poll published by the Allensbach Institute on 14 September gave the CDU-FDP a combined support of 48.7%, the SDP and the Greens a combined 40.1% and the Left Party 8.5%. Another poll by Emnid gave the CDU-FDP 48.5%, the SPD and the Greens 40.5% and the Left Party 8%. The threshold for a majority in parliament needed to elect a government is understood to be around 48.5%.

Positions: 

William Drozdiak, president of the American Council on Germany, was quoted by the Financial Times as calling the vote "Germany's most important election in nearly 40 years". 

The same publication also cited Merkel's chief economic advisor Heinrich von Pierer as saying that “There is a widespread sense that some things will now have to be done differently, that the old recipes no longer work. Many people have a loosely defined feeling that things cannot really go on as they have for the past few years.” Previously, Von Pierer was working as Schröder's advisor.

A 'grand coalition' government "would have a huge majority in the lower house and should face few difficulties getting the upper house on side, but such a government would be likely to be racked by divisions and would probably find making policy decisions difficult," said Merrill Lynch analyst Klaus Baader to MarketWatch.

"There is one man who on election night - assuming he's the same person who we have admired and marvelled at numerous times - could spring a deft surprise: Gerhard Schröder," said political analyst Franz Walter in Tageszeitung. "The only way for the chancellor to survive, or even to triumph, is as the head of this Red-Green-Yellow coalition. The stage is now set for the great Machiavellian".

"I don't think a 'traffic light' coalition is very likely. The difference between Red and Green and Yellow is enormous", Professor Ulrich Sarcinelli of Landau University has told the Guardian.

Talking to the Dutch daily Trouw, the EU's Competition Commissioner Neelie Kroes said that Merkel was an "excellent politician", and her election "would be wonderful for the whole of Europe". The comment has sparked a massive controversy in Germany. An EU spokesman subsequently said that Kroes was expressing her personal view which did not reflect the Commission's position.

Background: 

Following Chancellor Schröder's surprise announcement in May that Germany would hold elections a year ahead of schedule in the autumn of 2005, the country's political parties have performed a quick, rather efficient but often superficial and colourless campaign. The top issue has been jobs, but contrary to prior expectations other key areas such as the reform of the country's ailing health care system or the structural ills of the Eastern German Länder have at best only been touched upon by the politicians. Similarly, the hot and potentially divisive issue of Turkey's pending accession to the European Union has not sparked off the widely expected or feared inter-party debates (see also EurActiv 15 September 2005)

The overall campaign, which finishes late on 17 September, has been calm and relatively low-profile, largely free from American-style harsh negative campaigning or heavy blows below the belt. The debates were focussed on issues rather than personalities. At the same time, both sides have been raising fears about the other's economic policies.

According to German polling companies, some 30% of the voters were still undecided two days before the elections. These 30% are the swing voters that may well tip the balance in favour of the incumbent or the challenger. The final composition of the widely predicted coalition government could depend on a very small number of votes. In 2002, some 6,000 votes were enough to tip the balance.

Meanwhile, in light of a recent Forsa Institute survey, which showed that 51% of Germany's voters did not support change and were not ready for new leaders, the race may remain too close to call well after election day.

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