Olli Rehn has been handling the EU's enlargement process at the European Commission since 2004. Bulgaria and Romania have since joined the bloc, enlarging it to 27 member states.
Some member states, such as France and Germany, argue there could be no further enlargement without the Lisbon Treaty, which the Irish rejected in June. Do you agree?
Enlargement was not discussed in the debate preceding the Irish referendum, therefore enlargement should not be taken as a scapegoat for the result.
The EU's internal institutional reform process and its enlargement policy are two parallel tracks. While the EU considers how to pursue its institutional reform, we will keep on working in parallel on a carefully-managed and gradual accession process in South East Europe. We don't take any sabbaticals from our work for peace and stability.
Croatia is the next country likely to join the EU. Even the fastest possible timetable envisaged for Croatia to join the EU is slower than the slowest timetable we have in mind for the ratification and entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty.
Some optimists say that it could happen in 2010. Is this date realistic from your point of view?
It is better not to speculate on dates, since it largely depends on Croatia and its ability to cope with the accession criteria.
I think Croatia may be able to join the EU at the end of this decade, but in order to set a more precise timetable, we will first have to see when Croatia will be able to conclude the negotiations.
Serbia is another candidate for membership. But despite the recent capture of its most-wanted war criminal, Radovan Karadzic, the Netherlands remains opposed to implementing the interim agreement. What can Serbia do to convince the Dutch government that it is fully cooperating with the ICTY?
I can not speak on behalf of the Dutch government. As far as the Commission is concerned, we are of the view that the arrest of Radovan Karadzic is a milestone in Serbia's cooperation with the ICTY that should be rewarded by the implementation of the trade related parts of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, the so-called Interim Agreement.
I believe the Serbian government does all it can to achieve full cooperation with the ICTY and I hope these efforts will soon yield positive results.
The Western Balkans region is of strategic importance to the Union. What does the EU do to boost prosperity and stability in the region besides the stabilisation and association process?
Our policy towards the region may sound like an abstract term, but in reality it covers very practical aspects to improve the everyday life of the citizens. It is about creating a free trade area between the EU and the countries of the Western Balkans for more economic prosperity. It is about closer political ties and their approximation to the standards of the EU.
Besides that, we are also working on people-to-people contacts by facilitating travel, for example helping them to achieve a visa-free travel regime with the EU, or by granting scholarships. The EU also provides substantial financial assistance. For the period 2007-2011 it amounts to €6.5 billion.
The recent conflict in Georgia has shifted the EU's attention eastwards. You indicated that countries not previously considered for EU membership could be offered the chance to join, namely Ukraine. Do you think you could find support among member states for such a step?
The EU is not currently offering membership to these countries. Discussion about Ukraine's EU membership perspective is not on the agenda for the moment. Having said that, we will not prejudge the future.
We want to build a closer partnership with all those countries and support them. This is why the Commission is currently working on an Eastern Partnership initiative, with proposals to be presented this autumn.
