Although ‘flat tax’ is not touted as a panacea to all economic ills, an increasing number of European countries – among them a few new EU member states – have introduced or are developing one-size-fits-all tax regimes. Most of these countries are confronted with sizeable budget deficits, and several face the need to align their economic status with the eurozone's requirements.
Flat tax is believed to:
- help reduce red tape and associated difficulties and confusion
- reduce inequity (same rate for all)
- counterbalance tax dodging and cheating
- provide incentives to work, save and invest
- generate increased tax revenue, and thus
- spark off a 'mini economic boom'
At the same time, a flat tax regime is understood to
- eliminate practically all forms of tax exemptions and allowances
- be non-progressive (at least as far as the 'marginal' rates are concerned)
- favour the wealthy at the expense of the poor
- favour share and dividend-holders since profits are taxed only once, at source (ie 'flat tax' is a consumption-based tax)
Whether the seemingly popular switch over to a flat tax system is driven by sound fiscal policy strategies or rather by a desire to somehow make the citizens pay more into the state’s coffers is a moot point. One key conclusion cited by several researchers is that the efficiency and success of a flat rate regime is inherently dependent on the actual level of the tax rate: the lower it is, the more efficient it tends to become.
Experts also call attention to the fact that a country’s competitiveness is determined by a number of other factors besides its tax system or the type of support the country gives to new investments. While it is generally true that lower taxes leave more money to circulate – and thus to be invested – in an economy, and that flat rates generally increase the citizens’ willingness to pay their taxes, lower taxes may also mean lower tax revenues, which in turn may be detrimental to the given state’s budgetary status.
Furthermore, some leaders of Europe’s stronger economies, among them German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Sweden’s Prime Minister Goran Persson have said that the Eastern 'transition' economies can afford to cut taxes not least because any lost revenue is more than compensated by hefty subsidies from the EU. This argument has repeatedly been refuted by those 'transition' states affected. Meanwhile, Germany, as well as Italy, Austria, Finland, Denmark and Greece have also decided to introduce tax cuts in various forms and brackets in order to boost investment and spending and spur growth.
During the past two years, the changes were as follows:
Top income tax and corporate tax rates in the EU-25 and the four candidate states (source: Heritage Foundation and national reports):
| Income tax | Corporate tax | |
| 2004 - 2005 | 2004 - 2005 | |
| Austria | 50 - 50 | 34 - 34 |
| Belgium | 50 - 50 | 33 - 34 |
| Bulgaria | 29 - 29 | 15 - 19.5 |
| Croatia | 35 - 45 | 20 - 20 |
| Czech Republic | 32 - 32 | 31 - 28 |
| Cyprus | 30 - 30 | 15 - 15 |
| Denmark | 59 - 26.5 | 30 - 30 |
| Estonia | 26 - 26 | 0 - 0 (on reinvested profits) |
| Finland | 36 - 35.5 | 29 - 29 |
| France | 49.6 - 49.6 | 34.3 - 34.3 |
| Germany | 48.5 - 47 | 27.9 - 26.4 |
| Greece | 40 - 40 | 35 - 35 |
| Hungary | 40 - 38 | 18 - 16 |
| Ireland | 42 - 42 | 12.5 - 12.5 |
| Italy | 45 - 45.6 | 34 - 34 |
| Latvia | 25 - 25 | 19 - 15 |
| Lithuania | 33 - 33 | 15 - 15 |
| Luxembourg | 38.95 - 38.95 | 30.38 - 22.9 |
| Malta | 35 - 35 | 35 - 35 |
| Netherlands | 52 - 52 | 34.5 - 34.5 |
| Poland | 40 - 40 | 27 - 19 |
| Portugal | 40 - 40 | 30 - 30 |
| Romania | 40 - 40 | 25 - 25 |
| Slovakia | 38 - 19 | 25 - 19 |
| Slovenia | 50 - 50 | 25 - 25 |
| Spain | 48 - 45 | 35 - 40 |
| Sweden | 60 - 60 | 28 - 28 |
| Turkey | 40 - 40 | 33 - 30 |
| United Kingdom | 40 - 40 | 30 - 30 |



