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Bad news for EU decision-making: Comitology no longer exists

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Published 19 April 2013, updated 22 April 2013

In the three years since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, EU decision-making has become more complex and opaque, and there are signs that the secondary legislative procedure, or comitology, no longer exists, writes Daniel Guéguen.

Daniel Guéguen is a lawyer and economist who worked for more than 35 years in EU lobbying and is the author of Reshaping European Lobbying. He is founder and current chairman of PACT European Affairs, a lobbying consultancy.

"If the Lisbon Treaty’s mission was to simplify, then it has failed. The EU decision-making process – generally transparent, balanced and uniform before Lisbon – has become more complex, more opaque, more ad hoc and more legal.

First of all, this damaging change affects primary legislation. Basic legislative acts, such as framework directives, are adopted mainly via ‘trilogues’ held behind closed doors and involving a very small number of representatives from the three main institutions.

However, it applies especially to ‘secondary legislation’. Before the Lisbon Treaty, we spoke of ‘comitology’. Over the years, the term spread and eventually everyone understood it to mean ‘a set of procedures for adopting technical regulations’. This system, while complex, had a logical process: the Commission would propose regulations to be approved by committees of national experts. In case of disagreement, the Council would take over from the Commission. This system is extinct.

To put it simply, the new system consists of two pillars: delegated acts, which amend or supplement nonessential elements of basic legislative acts (you could call these ‘strategic measures’), and implementing acts, which are more technical and individual measures. ‘Comitology’ no longer exists since, as explained below, delegated acts are adopted without any involvement of committees of national experts. So we have to replace the term ‘comitology’ with ‘secondary legislation’. The wonders of simplification!

Delegated acts give the Commission the power to both propose and adopt. It consults whoever it wants, however it wants. It does not have to consult at all. As proposal and adoption takes place entirely within the Commission, lobbyists are faced with a dangerous kind of opacity – they can never be certain that they will be informed in time. No association or NGO can rule out that one day, they will look in the Official Journal and find a delegated act they had never known about before. It is true that, after adoption, the European Parliament and Council have a veto right, but it is a virtual veto, since the time periods are brief and the majority thresholds are demanding.

Implementing acts maintain the spirit of the old ‘comitology’. Proposals still have to be submitted to committees of national experts for examination, but – again – the balance that once existed between the Commission and the Member States has disappeared, to the benefit of the former.

In this new system, it is still the Commission that proposes. It submits draft measures to an Examination Committee. If the Committee disagrees (and the process can vary a lot, depending on the file), the draft can go to the Appeal Committee – also composed of national experts. To block an implementing measure, you need a qualified majority vote in the Appeal Committee against the Commission’s draft. In practice, this is mission impossible – especially given that in one case (the Orphacol case, currently before the EU’s General Court), the Commission actually presented the same text once more to the Examination Committee, even though it had been defeated in the Appeal Committee!

The Lisbon Treaty does not change ‘co-decision’ (although it is now called the “Ordinary legislative procedure” – again, such simplification!). However, this procedural stability is outweighed by new practices, known as ‘trilogues’, which lead to the rapid adoption of less detailed laws. In fact, 80% of basic legislative acts are adopted at first reading – but the acts are often mere guidelines, relegating all the difficult issues, strategic choices and technical questions to secondary legislation.

Secondary legislation, already very important in the pre-Lisbon phase (where 96% of EU rules were adopted via ‘comitology’), is even more important post-Lisbon – not only in terms of quantity but also in terms of content. This is because delegated and implementing acts now affect the fundamental aspects of all EU policies.

There is no point in going on about transparency since, for delegated acts, it no longer exists. The same goes for trilogues and primary legislation. How can you get informed? Where can you obtain non-public drafts? Every lobbying organisation has to ask itself these questions. They will have to re-assess their classical monitoring systems, which do not generally cover primary legislation."

This op-ed was first published by EurActiv Germany.

COMMENTS

  • Curious that the author - given his experience - seems to associate trilogues with the Lisbon Treaty. Trilogues have existed for at least since the late 90s, and were in common use long before the Lisbon Treaty was passed.

    (Also, given that trilogues are based on mandates given by each of the legislators, and given that they are followed by a public, on the record, vote, I'm not sure why they should be lumped together with secondary legislation in an article about opacity.)

    Finally, one wonders why a lobbyist complains about intransparency. Surely it is a lack of transparency that makes a lobbyist's expertise valuable? They get paid the big bucks because they know which proposals are in the pipeline, and who to talk to if the proposal threatens to be unfavourable. Even as it is, a lobbyist who starts his work after the Commission has made its legislative proposal is too late. A lobbyist who doesn't know his way around the Berlaymont isn't worth a cent. So I am left to wonder: huh?

    By :
    Martin Holterman
    - Posted on :
    22/04/2013
  • What about the EU Parliament in all this?

    By :
    Charles
    - Posted on :
    23/04/2013
  • Dear Mr. Holterman,

    While you are of course entitled to your view, I am afraid I must disagree with your comment. Yes, it is true that trilogues existed before the Lisbon Treaty. However, my point is that they have become much more widespread and systematic in recent years, and they are now a very important feature of the EU legislative process, in which the crucial aspects of a proposal, such as the scope of delegated and implementing acts, are negotiated. This is the link between trilogues and the Lisbon Treaty reform.

    With all due respect, to claim that trilogues are transparent does not correspond to reality. The structure of trilogues themselves is extremely opaque. The three-way meetings are held between a handful of institutional actors behind closed doors, with stakeholders excluded. While informal agreements reached in trilogues have to be formally ratified by the Council of Ministers and Parliament plenary, in the vast majority of cases the trilogue agreement is simply rubber-stamped, bypassing any further debate among Ministers or MEPs. This is why I believe the system is anti-democratic. It is a very worrying development.

    Finally, you say that opacity is good for me because I am a lobbyist. I wish to point out that when I write articles such as this, I write as a committed European citizen, not simply as a lobbyist. I believe that transparency in EU decision-making is extremely important to ensure democracy and accountability.

    By :
    Daniel Guéguen
    - Posted on :
    24/04/2013
  • MEPs who negotiate in trilogue on behalf of the Parliament are now required to debrief the committee responsible on the progress of the negotiations. There may be more trilogue going on today than in the past, but the trilogue process has definitely become more transparent.

    By :
    Ryfusz
    - Posted on :
    14/05/2013

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