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European showdown in France

Published 27 May 2005 - Updated 01 June 2007
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France will vote on the EU Constitution on 29 May in a hard-fought referendum campaign that looks set to become a decisive moment in EU history. EurActiv looks at the arguments in the heated debate.

Whereas the clash between federalist and 'souverainiste' camps defined the French 1992 debate around the Maastricht Treaty referendum, this element has been largely absent in the 2005 debate on the Constitution, where a string of issues not strictly related to the content of the Constitution have taken centre stage.  

The left-leaning part of the opposition to the Constitution does not claim to be against European co-operation as such but just wants to see another Europe than the one they claim to see in the Constitutional Treaty.   

Social aspects

The malaise surrounding the loss of jobs due to businesses moving their operations to the new members states and strong pressure on French textile industry from China, that now benefits from full trade liberalisation in the sector as of January 2005, has led to calls for greater defence of the European 'social model'. 

Both the 'no camp' within the Socialist Party and the right wing National Front have seized upon the issue. The accusations are, respectively, that the Constitution favours the more free market liberal model or that EU does not protect the French working man, 'La France d'en bas'. At one stage the debate went down to the level of a contest to count the number of times the words social and liberal were mentioned in the treaty. The word social won, but apparently to no avail.

Services directive

In the very same spirit, the social issue has also led to a heated debate around the much-demonised services directive (widely known as the Bolkestein directive), which exploded in February and March 2005. At the EU summit in March, heads of state and government lent a helping hand to France at President Chirac's insistence. 

Thus the summit conclusions emphasised the need to strike the right balance between the interests of a liberalised market and the protection of social values. Chirac claimed that the directive was now back to square one, "remis à plat", however, the planned passage of the original proposal through the European Parliament is still fully on track. Amendments proposed by German socialist MEP Evelyn Gebhardt do, however, suggest that the French concerns have been taken on board.  

French influence in the EU

The French thinkers and statesmen who have played a major role in the shaping of the European project over five decades have also managed to convey the image to the French population of an EU that is somehow constructed to serve the best interests of France. 

Regardless of the extent to which this was ever the truth, the notion has indeed been challenged by the sheer mathematics of the EU-25, and the prospect of one day letting in a new large country, Turkey, that will surpass even Germany as the biggest member state. 

Some analysts have suggested that the referendum on the Constitution is in reality a vote by proxy on enlargement, on which the population never had a chance to pronounce itself.

The huge benefits that the French agricultural sector have reaped from the CAP are also on the wane due to pressure from the WTO, and a growing realisation among the majority of member states that long overdue reform must now take place. 

Positions: 

Yes camp:

President Jacques Chirac: "One cannot be European and vote no. The EU treaty is the daughter of 1789."

Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin: "If we refuse this treaty, Europe will be knocked out." It would plunge France into "a political crisis which would translate into lengthy months of economic crisis".

"It is the EU that protects France against major market forces."

"France will express itself, it will express itself once, there will be no second round or second chance. Once she has spoken, her message is clear."

Green MEP Daniel Cohn-Bendit has accused the no camp of nurturing an "Asterix complex" and dreaming up an eternal French exception: "Why is it only the French trade unions that are against the constitution? Could it be that the rest don't know how to read?"

Simone Veil, former president of the European Parliament: "It gets very difficult when the subject [of a referendum] is complicated. As soon as it is a little bit complicated, people don't answer the question they are being asked". 

Alain Minc, intellectual: "How can the opponents of the Bolkestein directive believe for one second that France, after having voted no, will still find the resources to hit the table with a clenched fist and talk loud, as President Chirac has made it his habit?"

Martin Schulz, German socialist MEP leader: "We must say to the French population: Why should we have to pay the price because you are rightfully unsatisfied with the politics of PM Raffarin?"

Martine Aubry, socialist and former minister: "All the French laws favouring women's rigths have emanated from the EU. Equal pay for men and women, non discrimination, laws protecting pregnant women, fight against violence towards women or prostitution." 

Bernard Layre, president of Young Farmers, JA: "Let's avoid all confusion. The constitution is not the CAP. The constitution re-enforces political powers [at EU level]. That is a not a guarantee, but still it is a step towards being able to fight European bureaucracy." 

Jacques Delors, former Commission president: "I repeat: a no will lead to paralysis of the EU, a weakening of France and create a major stumbling block towards creating a stronger Europe."

Lionel Jospin, former socialist Prime Minister: "Let's not hold Europe hostage to our national difficulties. The term 'liberal' doesn't have any sense. The EU is not liberal because it provides a framework. I hope the left will unite to change the EU, not to block it."

Catherine Lalumière, former vice president of the European Parliament and current president of the House of Europe in Paris: "It is not a Constitution; it is only a treaty, although admittedly important, [and] above all a decisive step in the construction of Europe." It is also a "compromise" with an inevitable imperfect and insufficient dimension that must be accepted by France - which has "a tendency to consider itself as alone in the world, or even superior to the rest of the world".

Pascal Perrineau, director of Cevipof, the Centre for the Study of French Political Life: "It's intriguing. There is a historical, if passive, consensus in France in favour of Europe. But as soon as you ask a concrete question, pro-EU sentiment melts." 

Leading pollster Roland Cayro: "There's a clear division between a well-off, confident France and an anxious, struggling France. These are two countries."

Analyst Alain Duhamel, sees France in the grip of  "a generalised economic malaise, inspired by rising unemployment, stagnant salaries, falling spending power, pension worries, the fear of jobs being lost abroad, of Poles and Lithuanians taking jobs here. It's a no to today's world; a no to a frightening world."

The no camp:

Former socialist PM, Laurent Fabius: "This is not a referendum, this is propaganda." Fabius has accused President Chirac of spreading lies by claiming that the Constitution will pave the way for social harmonisation in the EU.

"I am a convinced European and I want a good Constitution. The one offer is not. It must therefore be improved in a more social more citizen-friendly way."

Jacques Nikonoff, president of Attac France: "the Europe being built is a non-democratic Europe". In his opinion, the draft constitutional treaty is symptomatic of a "deeply flawed" system. "To establish an effective Constitution it would have been necessary to set up a constituent assembly giving a voice to the people," said Mr. Nikonoff. "The 'no' vote is a vote for hope" as it is, in effect, the rejection of a model based on "worsened competition, pushing the states to put forward their only comparable advantage: fiscal and social dumping."

Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of National Front: "The Prime Minster tries to scare by convincing the French that the river Seine will stop running, that all will go bad, with an economic crisis, if the 'no' wins."

The contribution of union, CGT, Confederation Generale du Travail: "The implications of the 'market first" approach and the central position given to competition remain striking, and therefore potentially destructive for social rights, public services, employment and the social and economic cohesion of EU as a whole."

Marie George Buffet, French Communist Party: "Liberalism will be set in stone by the Constitution. Do we want that Europe, or do we want another Europe? That is what is at stake. The1992 debate on the Maastricht Treaty was locked into a sterilising "yes or no to Europe". That won't work anymore, our citizens want to speak up on what direction the EU must take. 

José Bové, Confédération Paysanne: "We want to see a democratic Europe, a social Europe and an anti-liberal Europe."

Next steps: 

In case of a no vote the EU will be awaiting a statement on the intentions of President Jacques Chirac, and also the reactions from the other heads of state and government from EU member states.

The Dutch will vote on 1 June in a referendum, in which polls have indicated that a no vote is likely.

Background: 

France has already been through a referendum on a European issue in 1992 on the Maastricht Treaty, which produced a very small (51 v 49 per cent) victory for the 'yes' camp. Still the strength of the opposition to the European Constitution, as expressed in the polls of recent months, has taken the traditionally Europhile French political elite aback. 

The agitated campaigning of recent months has taken place against the backdrop of an unemployment rate of around ten per cent and dissatisfaction with an unpopular government led by Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin. Speculation as to who may replace him in the event of a 'non' are rife.

It is widely assumed that many French voters are simply out to vent frustrations and to give President Chirac and Prime Minister Raffarin 'a bloody nose'. As one commentator observed, every so often the French population just needs to say 'Merde!'  

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