EurActiv Logo
EU news & policy debates
- across languages -
Click here for EU news »
EurActiv.com Network

BROWSE ALL SECTIONS

Europe's moment of truth

Printer-friendly version
Send by email
Published 22 March 2013, updated 03 April 2013

Europeans need to hear the truth about the hard realities of the economic and financial crises, writes Ann Mettler.

Ann Mettler is executive director of the Lisbon Council and member of the World Economic Forum Global Agenda Council on Europe.

"Just before the European Council’s Spring Meeting on 14-15 March, Enda Kenny was asked about a possible reckoning for continental leaders who are facing increasingly hostile electorates upset over austerity measures. The Irish prime minister was forthright:  “Nothing beats the truth.”

What he meant, of course, is that it’s payback time for the years – even decades – of denial, of make-believe that the prosperity that Europe enjoyed was somehow divorced from economic realities, be they ballooning debt, declining competitiveness or dysfunctional insider-outsider labour markets. Long before the real crisis hit in 2008, opportunistic political leaders devised loyal corporatist systems in which a growing set of vested interests divided power and spoils among themselves – all in the name of social justice.

Rather than embracing meritocracy, social mobility, creative destruction and innovation, entire countries became slow-moving, inward-looking, defensive and elite-driven juggernauts. Against this backdrop, it is not entirely surprising that a growing number of Italians have said “basta” to the current system – but perhaps without really considering the way forward.

Neither Silvio Berlusconi with his pledge for tax cuts the country cannot afford, nor Beppe Grillo, the political novice who has promised to suspend the national debt, offer real solutions. The fact that over 50% of the country gave them their vote is a stark reminder of the challenge the country – and Europe - faces. And that is why it is time to speak the truth; to tell Italians – and Europeans – that there is no easy way out of the crisis; that it will take years – even decades – of hard work to repair public finances, to build a new foundation for prosperity, and to embrace the fact that today the countries with the highest levels of social cohesion are precisely the ones that implemented far-reaching reforms early on.  

The worst response to the Italian elections would be not to speak the truth, to cave in to the idea that somehow “austerity” is to blame for the current woes, that once again breaking the rules of the Stability and Growth Pact – as was done with devastating consequences back in 2005 when France, Germany and Italy could not abide by the deficit limits they had set for themselves – would somehow improve the situation. For sure, budget consolidation on its own will not be sufficient in the absence of far-reaching structural reforms that have the potential to unleash growth, but it is a precondition to win back the political room to maneuver that has been lost because the crushing weight of debt and the dependence on financial markets to finance it. 

Voters are rightfully angry when they vote against “austerity” and for “growth,” as happened last year in France - and instead receive rising unemployment, economic contraction, a slew of factory closings and a widely publicized deterioration in international competitiveness. The fact that French “austerity” has in fact seen a rise in public spending between 2009-2013 of 0.2%, to a whopping 57% of GDP, demonstrates how confused and ill-informed the public discourse is.

While counting on politicians to speak the “truth” and exert “leadership” has largely proven a failed formula for Europe, the situation is not hopeless. Indeed, the oft-recited quip by Luxembourg Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker that “we all know what to do, we just don’t know how to get re-elected after we’ve done it” is not entirely true. Wim Kok, Tony Blair, Poul-Nyrup Rasmussen – not to mention Margaret Thatcher – all managed to win re-election despite being committed reformers. And of course Enda Kenny himself is living proof that ambitious consolidation can occur without massive public opposition (Ireland has not had a single strike day since he took office).

But rather than relying excessively on political leaders becoming more enlightened and mustering courage they have hitherto lacked, it is now necessary to activate other levers that can at a minimum inform public opinion – and at a maximum shape it. This will translate into new kinds of collaborations, interest groups, public personalities; societal forces that will treat voters like mature adults who deserve to be told the truth to make sound and informed decisions about their future. It will mean that formations like the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development take centre stage because they provide the intellectual evidence of why reforms are necessary. It will mean that the perennial nay-sayers who try to uphold the status quo for their own interests, rather than the common good, will be deprived of the moral high ground they are so used to occupying.

Changing public course and popular opinion can be done without electoral majorities, provided a committed, articulate and determined coalition of the willing can be assembled. Europe’s green movement hardly ever polled more than 10-15% of the vote but turned our continent into a beacon of sustainability and an innovative force in renewable energy. The same can be done for a societal reformist movement; a force that would do away with the power of cartels that have for too long strangled our economies, stifled democracy and burdened future generations with unsustainable levels of public debt.

True, nothing beats the truth, and denying the realities and origins of this crisis and promising easy answers would be the political equivalent of defying gravity. Let us hope – and work towards – the citizens of Europe demanding better. 

COMMENTS

  • Ms Mettler's article is so much out of context that is hilarious. All this spectacle of buffoons playing around with people's lives has nothing to do with economy!!! Economically-wise all the PIIGS, the UK and many more countries (along with the USA and JP) are so MESSED UP that even trying to think ways of paying back their public debt is stupid.

    Everything is happening is political choices: Italy has the power - in contrast to other PIIGS - to erase big part (if not all of it) of it's public debt single-handedly. They can do it: it's a political decision. Trying to *save* Greece economically is so idiotic that a mathematician would LOL just to the very idea of trying to do that.

    So, after 4 years of Austerity Greece lost it's social peace, collapsed, lost national pride, money, jobs and so forth. Italians know that Greece were brought up here by "Austerity measures", driven by Germany & Co. These Austerity measure don't really about corruption. They even promote it. They save (their) banks and don't care about the rest. The original idea to save bondholders in Cyprus says a lot about the way Eurogroup thinks and acts.

    Anyway, this whole article is plain wrong: Economy has nothing to do with it. It's just politics and YES austerity is TO BLAME.

    By :
    Panagiotis Atmatzidis
    - Posted on :
    25/03/2013
  • Ms Mettler's piece presents a compelling argument for a rethink of political leadership and rhetoric in Europe.

    This brings to mind the broader issue of political legitimacy, not only in the current crisis context, but also over the years to come. In Europe at the moment moving forward, we are deepening the integration of economic and monetary union. Along with this structure will come more decisions taken at the European level, thus potentially increasing the divide between citizens at the national level and the decision-makers in Brussels. The challenge will be to couple this growing centralization of financial, fiscal and, ultimately, also political responsibilities, with corresponding controls and information platforms at the national level. Citizens will need to be kept up to date with the issues being decided in Brussels. They will also need to know how these measures will concretely impact their lives.

    This will be challenging however, as current democratic societies within the Union are still largely rooted in traditional national level democracies. The trend will inevitably prevail unless reforms undertaken are also accompanied by mechanisms which reinforce supranational democracy. This makes Habermas' question on supranational democracy more topical than ever.

    Currently there are few democratic procedures authorizing a supranational European order. The Lisbon Treaty, the increasing legitimacy gained by the European Parliament and the reinforced role of national parliaments in the EU intuitional decision-making process are steps in the right direction.

    Having said that, these are but modest moves towards the goal of supranational legitimacy. The steady decline in voter turnout in the European elections undermines the democratic legitimacy of the European Parliament. Stronger relationships with the parties rather than with voters constitute another debilitating factor. Parliament is moreover not a participant in the national political debates and many crucial issues for citizens still remain within national competences. What we are also still missing, in spite of efforts and progress, are effective forms of cooperation between these two parliamentary-levels.

    Leaving the long-term perspective aside, we are also facing a challenge of legitimacy in the current crisis context, as Ms Mettler's piece vividly illustrated. The political message at the national level is usually misconceived whenever a country struggling with financial difficulties demands a loan from the so-called Troika, composed of the ECB, the IMF and the Commission. Accompanied by macroeconomic adjustment programmes, these loans imply tough austerity measures. When political leadership at the national level is needed in order to put the message across to the citizens that the reforms are necessary and will ultimately be in the interest of the country, leaders often play the blame game. Pointing their fingers at the Troika, they join a wave of complaint against Brussels. While this attitude may lead to an artificial narrowing of the divide between the electorate and its politicians at the national level, the European divide between policymakers at the centralized-Brussels level and citizens will however widen dramatically. Were this to persist, citizens would become increasingly euro sceptic, casting a shadow over any prospect of legitimizing further European integration.

    As Ms Metter argued in her piece however, public discourse can be altered if an articulate and determined coalition of the willing is assembled. This coalition would aim to promote facts over vested interests and refocus public opinion on the topics that really matter. It could in turn exert pressure on the political leadership to embrace needed reforms and face the music, thus acknowledging that these are challenging times that require equally challenging measures, but that ultimately Europe will come through.

    By :
    Danuta Huebner
    - Posted on :
    10/04/2013

Advertising

Communication Partners

Sponsors

Videos

EU Priorities 2020 News

Euractiv Sidebar Video Player for use in section aware blocks.

EU Priorities 2020 Promoted videos

Euractiv Sidebar Video Player for use in section aware blocks.

Advertising

Advertising