Bulgaria: Pre-election bargains

The Bulgarian government has survived a vote of no confidence – but
it paid a high price in the political bargaining that followed,
writes Yana Buhrer Tavanier
in Transitions Online.

One Sofia taxi driver was facing a dilemma.

“I don’t know what to think”, he says, turning down the volume
of the radio in his car. A steady stream of news and commentary on
Bulgaria’s political crisis came through the radio, which he would
normally have tuned to music stations.

“I despise the government,” he admits. “But on the other hand I
don’t see the point in changing ministers at this stage. So the
more I puzzle over this, the more I realize that it’s just a dirty
political game.” 

And indeed one might question the point of a major government
reshuffle just four months before a general election. 

The ministers of economy, culture, and agriculture all left the
government in its third reshuffle since coming into office in 2001.
In a speech carried live by several television and radio stations
on 21 February, Bulgaria’s prime minister (and ex-king), Simeon
Saxecoburggotski, called on parliament to approve the resignations
of the deputy prime minister and economy minister, Lydia Shuleva,
and Agriculture Minister Mehmed Dikme.

They would be replaced by the current Energy Minister Milko
Kovachev and Nihat Kabil, a deputy minister of agriculture and
member of the junior coalition partner, the Movement for Rights and
Freedoms (DPS). Culture Minister Bozhidar Abrashev would also
leave; Nina Chilova, a parliamentarian from the ruling party, the
National Movement Simeon II (NDSV), is to head the newly formed
Tourism and Culture Ministry. Miroslav Sevlievski, floor leader of
the New Time party and a member of the energy parliamentary
committee, would head the Energy Ministry. 

This was not a voluntary act. In his speech, Saxecoburggotski
did everything to make it sound like a sacrifice.

“I would like to thank the ministers who are being replaced. I
have no doubt that they will continue to be part of the same team
in their hearts,” he said, his voice trembling and often punctuated
by deep sighs.

He even announced that Lydia Shuleva, one of the strongest
ministers in the current cabinet would be invited to take on the
pre-election campaign of the NDSV and would also be in charge of
developing the party’s economic policies for 2005 to
2010. 

No confidence

The reshuffle came as an indirect response to a vote of no
confidence on domestic politics, which the opposition parties had
scheduled for 11 February. 

The tricky part was that the ruling coalition of NDSV and DPS
held only 118 seats in the 240-seat parliament. The coalition lost
its majority when 13 lawmakers left the parliamentary group of the
NDSV to form their own fraction, New Time, in 2004. 

New Time has fought ever since to assume the role of a balancing
factor in parliament and has already traded the votes of its
deputies on several occasions when the ruling coalition needed
support. 

What made the situation even more complex was that the NDSV and
the DPS were at loggerheads themselves. 

In consequence, and in contrast to the previous five
no-confidence votes, the government faced a real threat of being
brought down. 

It was clear that the time for serious bargaining had come. On 7
February, a coalition agreement between the NDSV, the DPS, and the
New Time was signed, after New Time at the last minute deserted
from the united opposition and thus saved the cabinet. The
opposition claimed that the agreement on co-operation in parliament
and in the upcoming elections was the result of an “unscrupulous
haggle.” But for weeks it remained unclear what the deal entailed,
though it was obvious that in return for political backing, the New
Time and the DPS were pressing Prime Minister Saxecoburggotski to
undertake changes in the government. 

To read the article in full, visit the Transitions Online website.