Est. 5min 16-02-2005 (updated: 29-01-2010 ) Euractiv is part of the Trust Project >>> Languages: DeutschPrint Email Facebook X LinkedIn WhatsApp Telegram The Czech prime minister, Stanislav Gross, slips further into a hole of his own making as he attempts to explain his and his wife’s complex financial affairs, according to Transitions Online. After months of scandal, the Czech prime minister appears to be falling further into an ever-deepening hole, but whether that hole will become his political grave remains deeply unclear. The hole initially seemed relatively small. In mid-January, the country’s largest-selling serious daily Mlada fronta Dnes asked Prime Minister Stanislav Gross how in 1999, as a 30-year-old man who had in the previous seven years earned 1.7 million crowns (now $73,300) after tax, he had been able to afford to make a 2.5 million crown ($107,800) down-payment on a luxury flat worth 4.3 million crowns ($185,300) and then fit it out with a covered swimming pool that cost 750,000 crowns ($32,300). Gross had given partial answers before. In 1999, he said he had used savings and a mortgage; in 2002, he added loans from family members to that list. But, pressed in January for details, Gross began to produce a sequence of explanations that is hard to track. After initially refusing to disclose anything, he then stated that he had borrowed roughly half the deposit from his uncle. It then transpired that his uncle had been receiving a disability pension for 30 years and had sold his main asset (a house) before 1989, for very little. The uncle then indicated that, to lend to his nephew, he himself had borrowed money from relatives, saying that he had “a lot of relatives abroad.” Gross himself said he knew the names of the relatives but refused to disclose their names, saying “I don’t want other relatives to go through what my uncle is going through.” But then the uncle’s foreign relatives turned out to be one Czech friend–who had in turn sold his loan to the head of a minor and now-defunct party. No paper evidence of this long trail has surfaced. During the course of these convoluted explanations, Gross sought to counter his critics by saying that if tax-exempt parliamentary benefits are included, he had earned 3.5 million crowns ($150,900) between 1992 and 1999. That attempt at explanation only created further problems for him: A member of parliament’s allowances are supposed to cover work expenses rather than pay for luxury housing. Even if he had (mis)used his expense account, Gross’ expensive foreign holidays and very generous donations to his own party would leave him little room to make the considerable savings he would have needed for the apartment. For weeks, this elaborate tale made headlines in Mlada fronta Dnes but prompted relatively little coverage and few commentaries in other media. The main opposition party, the Civic Democrats (ODS), remained quiet, a position some explained by the earlier reluctance of one of its leading figures, Vlastimil Tlusty, to explain how he had come to own a pricey villa. Other parties in the governing coalition were also quiet. The leader of one of the coalition parties, Miloslav Kalousek of the Christian Democrats, has faced similar questions in the past. It seemed that, like the Tlusty and Kalousek affairs and other affairs involving Gross, the scandal might disappear off the radar screen. But then one member of the family not featured in the earlier explanations landed in the spotlight. On 7 February, the weekly Respekt asked how Gross’s wife had raised money to buy two large houses in Prague that are now earmarked for conversion into luxury flats. A less elaborate pattern of evasion and half-explanations has followed, but the new scandal immediately prompted questions in parliament and more extensive coverage in the media. The story was given some extra octane by the identity of an associate in the deal, a controversial businesswoman currently facing police charges for insurance fraud. Sarka Grossova, the prime minister’s wife, worked in the 1990s as a primary-school teacher, earning extra money in the evenings as a waitress in the parliamentary canteen. After marrying Gross in 1996, she had a child with him in 1998. Starting in late 2000, she supplemented her work as a mother and Amway saleswoman by working as a show-business manager. The problems for the Gross family appear set to become larger still. In its 14 February edition, Respekt reported that Grossova and her associate, Libuse Barkova, had bought the houses for 6 million crowns ($258,600) from a former employee of Barkova’s. He had bought the properties just three months before–for 11 million crowns. This odd sequence of transactions is now raising suspicions about money laundering. Respekt asserts that the official results of Barkova’s five other businesses would not have generated the cash needed, and the source of a loan is still unclear. The scandal also has another lurid dimension, so far unconnected. Barkova owns a building that houses a brothel that advertises itself as the “largest erotic club in Prague.” In 2003, Gross won a court case against Respekt when it reported that detectives had, in the course of investigations into human-trafficking, caught Gross speaking on the phone with Barkova, whom Respekt said owned the brothel. Gross has repeatedly defended his wife’s association with Barkova. The two went to school together. To read the full article, visit the Transitions Online website.